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As the Democratic
Republic of Congo commemorates the 44th anniversary of its
independence from Belgium, the country is all but free. For the last thirty-nine
years, the Congolese have toiled under various dictatorial and brutal
regimes. Since 1998, more than 3.5 million Congolese have died from war,
starvation and disease. Eastern Congo remains the bastion of foreign-backed
militias and ragtag armed groups that have committed unspeakable atrocities
on a helpless population. Congo’s neighbors and multinational companies
systematically loot and plunder its natural resources, while the people
suffer. The United States can do more to help the Congolese free their
country.
Like they
did in June 1960, when the country gained an elusive independence from
Brussels, the people of Congo hope this year will bring real freedom.
June 30, 2004 marks the beginning of the most critical year of the transition.
Congo is to hold its first free and fair elections in forty-four years
in exactly one year. At this juncture, failure is not an option as the
future of the entire Central African region depends on the outcome of
the Congolese transition. Congo is to Central Africa what South Africa
is to the southern region; What Nigeria is to West Africa and Egypt to
North Africa. None of Congo’s nine neighbors could know real peace and
prosperity if Congo failed.
Under the
leadership of South Africa, Nigeria, Zambia and other countries, the African
Union brokered a peace deal that brought various belligerents into the
transitional government in 2002. Both the Lusaka and Pretoria agreements
are African successes. Despite its political will, the African Union lacks
the financial means to see Congo’s democratic transition to fruition.
The moment has come for the international community, particularly the
United States to show greater commitment for peace in Congo.
For a successful
transition to free and fair elections, Congo needs an independent civil
service to ensure the democratic process is implemented. Civil servants
have not been paid in years and live off the very population they are
supposed to serve. The transitional government should control corruption
and mismanagement by the leadership and use its limited revenues to pay
civil servants.
Through
bilateral assistance, the United States could provide the transitional
government with additional funds to meet this challenge. Elections are
the only way to free the Congolese from an ineffective government that
harbors criminals in its ranks. An independent US-Congolese commission
could oversee the salary distribution until the elections. The moment
has come to create the right conditions for a national government accountable
to the people.
The people of Congo rest their hope
on the long-awaited elections. It is the promise of elections that makes
the Congolese tolerate the transitional government.
Failure to keep this promise will constitute a major breach of
social contract with dire consequences for Congo and its neighbors. Considering
the ineffectiveness of the 1+4 formula, the interim government should
step down as soon as its mandate expires on June 20 next year. The international
community should help pave the way for a legitimate national government.
Only fair and free elections will bring such a government, which will
promote the people’s aspirations and serve Congolese interests.
For the past year, the transitional
government has not performed well, lagging behind schedule on all major
democratic initiatives. The continuing crisis in the East highlights the
lack of political will among the various factions in the interim government
to work together. These factions do not have the people’s interest at
heart. They continue to behave as rebels, using their new positions in
the national government as cover.
Some of the leaders in Kinshasa are
guilty of war crimes and great atrocities against the very citizens they
are supposed to protect. At best, they are determined to delay the democratic
transition to bide time. At worst, they intend to derail the process,
forcing a return to pre-war arrangements. The international community
should exert greater pressure on the power-sharing government to stay
the course to elections. The United States could support the efforts of
the World Court’s First Chief Prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Campo, to bring
Congo’s war criminals to justice. A successful prosecution of a handful
of militia leaders or former rebels in the current government will send
a powerful message to those intent on derailing the democratic process.
Along with its European allies, the
United States can help train security forces and the police. Without a
strong national security structure, Congo remains a source of regional
insecurity. The country needs a well-trained, unified army and police
to protect its citizens. To date, only Belgium has committed to training
the much-needed professional army. The United States can provide logistical
and programmatic expertise required for this crucial endeavor. Until a
professional army and national police are in place, the region will not
know peace.
The United States has a greater role
to play beyond Congo’s borders. For peace and stability in the Great Lakes
region, a fully integrated US foreign policy is needed. US missions in
New York City (USUN), Kinshasa, Kigali and Kampala should implement complementary
recommendations that support inclusive peace efforts in the region.
Last year’s report by the UN Panel
of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources accused both
Rwanda and Uganda of prolonging the war so they could siphon off Congo's
wealth with the help of multinational corporations.
While neither Uganda nor Rwanda have gold, diamond and coltan deposits
of significance, both countries have become important exporters of these
minerals. The Security Council,
however, refused to release the report in its entirety. By classifying the most damning portions of
the report, the United Nations has become an accomplice to those who are
guilty of atrocities and human rights violations. The United States should
pressure the Security Council to declassify the report. Impunity is not
a democratic value.
Arms trafficking feed the cycle of
violence in eastern Congo. The United States should fully support and
help enforce the UN embargo on the flow of arms into Congo. The US government
ought to reinstate its own bilateral arms embargo on Rwanda and Uganda,
until they put an end to arms flowing through their countries into eastern
Congo. The US Congress should condition bilateral assistance to both of
these countries on their cessation of support for any factions in Congo,
whether through arms transfers, financial assistance, military training,
or harboring of those who flee the Congolese national government. The
US lifted the embargo on Rwanda last July. This action negatively impacts
the peace process as weapons continue to flow into eastern Congo.
With this proliferation of arms, the already-crippled Congolese
government is unable to secure its borders with Rwanda and Uganda. The
two countries have used border insecurity as a pretext to invade Congo.
The Congolese people have sacrificed
much the last forty-four years. Yet, their desire for freedom has never
dwindled. Their hope for a free and independent country rests on the upcoming
elections. With a greater commitment, the United States can help Congolese
reclaim their sovereignty.
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